View from the Lords
It has been a gruelling week in the House of Lords overburdened as it was by the Brexit debate, writes Edward Fennell. Almost 190 peers wanted to make their contributions, including some legal luminaries. The debate as a whole was either the Lords at their best – or a protracted demonstration of their irrelevance. Here’s a taster …
Lord Mackay of Clashfern, Margaret Thatcher’s lord chancellor: “Being number 40 on the list reminds me that I was some 45 years outside the European Union, and I remember well some of the service that was done, as has been mentioned, in bringing us into the European Union and the difficulties involved.
“I voted for remain and was fairly enthusiastic about the referendum on the basis that the people were entitled to say whether or not they wished to be in the European Union. We know the answer and, so far as I am concerned, the government and parliament are bound to give effect to that answer.
“Perhaps the most obvious and dramatic indication of that was [David] Cameron’s resignation the morning after, when he said that having led the argument to stay, he could not lead the country out of the European Union.”
Lord Hunt of Wirral, former secretary of state for employment and then for Wales and former senior partner of the pre-merger City of London law firm Beachcroft Wansbroughs: “Like many others in the chamber, throughout my political career I have always been an advocate of closer co-operation among the governments and peoples of Europe, but it saddens me to say that the European Union simply failed to adapt to the complex, rapidly shifting challenges of what I describe as the new world order.”
Lord Lester of Herne Hill, QC, of Blackstone Chambers, a former special adviser on constitutional reform to the secretary of state for justice: “After attempting unconstitutionally to rush to the Article 50 exit without legislative authority, the government have produced this simple bill, which is no better than a motion to approve in legislative clothing, and a white paper that fails to explain the government’s strategy or to answer the key political and legal questions.
“The government interpret Article 50 as a trap that, once opened, cannot be closed. But its author … Lord Kerr of Kinlochard … has made it clear that when the Article 50 process is triggered the UK may continue to remain a member of the EU.
“The white paper – perhaps I should call it the off-white paper – contains statements worthy of Dr Pangloss, George Orwell and Humpty Dumpty. It claims that the UK’s constitutional arrangements make us ‘the world’s most successful and enduring multination state’. Tell that to the Celtic parts of our disunited kingdom. According to the prime minister, ‘after all the division and discord, the country is coming together’. That is fake and false news.”
Lord Kerr of Kinlochard, former permanent under-secretary of state at the Foreign Office and former British representative to the EU: “The president of the European Council and a gallery of EU legal luminaries have confirmed … that a member state may, in accordance with its constitutional requirements, withdraw its notification within the two-year period or its extension.
“…The fact is that Article 50, which first saw the light of day under the heading ‘voluntary withdrawal’ is not an expulsion procedure. We remain full members of the European Union throughout the negotiating period – the two years or its extension. If, having looked into the abyss, we were to change our minds about withdrawal, we certainly could and no one in Brussels could stop us.”
Baroness Kennedy of the Shaws, QC, the Doughty Street Chambers barrister: “There is a myth that we are the victims of a wash of law that comes from Europe. In fact we have contributed greatly to the creation of that law: harmonising standards, ensuring that the judgments in our courts are enforced easily and speedily throughout the European Union and protecting small businesses doing business with other countries.
“We have created consumer rights, and the quality of goods that are being sold has to meet our standards. It means that we can easily sue through our courts and have the judgments made effective. The government have now agreed that the final deal will come before both Houses, but I will ask a question. A statement like that has political force but does not have legal force. What does the promise mean if it is not in the bill? “
Lord Pannick, QC, of Blackstone Chambers, who acted for one of the applicants in the Article 50 judicial review: “I want to pay tribute to [Gina] Miller, because her determination in the face … of quite outrageous racist and sexist abuse has ensured that we have the opportunity to debate whether – and if so on what terms – Article 50 is invoked. The whole House should be very grateful to Mrs Miller.
“The Divisional Court and the Supreme Court carried out their constitutional responsibilities by affirming the supremacy of parliament. It is now for this House to live up to our constitutional responsibility. It is for us to scrutinise a bill of enormous importance to the future of this country.
“… The bill requires amendment, in particular to ensure parliamentary sovereignty as the process of withdrawal occurs over the next two years. Noble lords know that the prime minister has promised that any agreement with the European Union on the terms of our withdrawal and our future relationship with the EU will require the agreement of both Houses of Parliament. She has said that the agreements will so require before any agreement is put to the European parliament for its consent.
“That promise should be written into the bill. A political promise, made by the prime minister in good faith, is no substitute for a clause – an obligation – in an act of parliament.”